EVERYONE knows the story of ‘Trojan Horse’. The Greeks pretended to desert the war of Troy, built a wooden horse which their soldiers were hidden in. A Greek soldier Sinon, who pretended to have been abandoned by his fellow soldiers, convinced the Trojans that the Greeks had built the wooden Trojan Horse as a gift to the gods to ensure their safe return home. He made them believe that if the Trojan Horse was brought into Troy, it would protect Troy from invasions. Trojans brought it to Troy, and at night the Greek soldiers creeped out of the horse, opened the gates of Troy to let in the Greek army. Troy lost in no time. Since then, Trojan Horse refers to subversion and deception under a benign garb. One can apply the Greek mythological story to the ongoing raging controversy over USAID funding to various projects in India. Suddenly, a lot of things start sinking into consciousness.

 

Though a lot of political noise centres around particularly the ‘X’ post by the US’ Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) headed by business tycoon Elon Musk regarding USAID providing $21 million for ‘voter turnout’ in India, those genuinely interested in the wider topic of scrutiny of foreign funding must not get stuck in it. For, the USAID funding was not only restricted to ‘voter turnout’. Rather, there is a long history of USAID funding to India since 1951. Already, a lot is being said amid trading of political charges between the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Opposition block led by Congress. While the BJP supporters are using the DOGE revelation to question the entities to which the fund went, Congress is peddling a report in US-based media house ‘The Washington Post’, whose news reports carry expressions reflecting deep biases.

 

“Foreign funding rules are used as a vindictive tool to crush dissent and voices critical of the regime,” is one statement in the said news report that speaks volumes about lack of objectivity in ‘The Washington Post’, which has a history of reports and opinions biased against India in general and Prime Minister Narendra Modi in particular. Beyond this politically coloured canvas, some saner and responsible people have raised valid points that merit attention of Indians residing in India as well as abroad. For instance, External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar pitched for investigations into the allegations against USAID so that Indians know the people involved in ‘the bad faith activities’. Member of the Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council and noted economist Sanjeev Sanyal called USAID a scam and echoed Dr Jaishankar’s demand of finding out who received the funds from the USAID in India. Whether or not the USAID provided funds particularly for ‘voter turnout’ in India, it certainly funded several projects in India since 1951. Still, if the recent data coming out about USAID’s presence in India is shrouded only in trading of political charges, a comprehensive look at the impact of the foreign institutions like the USAID on the Indian collective thinking and governance may not be assessed, thereby drowning the likelihood of shaping of the Indian response to foreign funding in petty politics.

 

This becomes of critical importance considering the results of the USAID funding of $29 million for ‘strengthening political landscape in Bangladesh’ and $29 million funding to improve ‘fiscal federalism in Nepal’. Has the political landscape been ‘strengthened’ in Bangladesh with USAID funding? Or, has it worsened with the unelected interim government presiding over the persecution of minorities in the riparian country? So, what exactly is the purpose the USAID funding served there? In India, since 1951, USAID funded projects in food, infrastructure development, ‘capacity building’ of ‘key Indian institutions’, ‘support’ for the ‘opening of the Indian economy’ etc. Its interest in ‘key Indian institutions’ yielded several pacts with other USAID allies. Besides, in the education sector, in USAID’s own admission, it and its partners developed ‘specialized literacy training materials for teachers, principals, school administrators and government officials’ and conducted ‘training sessions’ and ‘one-on-one mentoring’ to teach the same curriculum more ‘effectively’ through games and ‘storytelling’.

 

What kind of stories were told, with what message? Well, that question cannot be answered in absence of any scrutiny. Further, USAID developed and supplied schools with learning resources including books and established classroom/school/community libraries with ‘interesting and age-appropriate books’. Those able to read between the lines may find the wayward behaviour of some youngsters of today rooted in exposure to ‘interesting and age-appropriate books’ and material used by teachers trained in a particular way . Of course, being Indians, most teachers, government officials, and even the parents of students took USAID funding for various projects as something benign. But, as many grown-ups worry today, many youngsters today justify ‘wokeism’ as well as find no fault with violation of norms of decency on social media, movies, OTT platforms, and gradually in public places. They feel more connected to foreign culture and foreign ideas than rich Indian heritage.

 

There is nothing wrong in embracing noble ideas and ideals irrespective of the country of origin. But, when it comes at the cost of straying from our own culture that has brought a country like India to the present position, that becomes a national concern. Everyone wonders how this happened. May it be USAID or something else, there are reasons to believe that their projects acted as the mythological ‘Trojan Horse’, which Troy allowed unsuspectingly. Taking cue from the controversy surrounding USAID and its projects internationally, India must look beyond political colourations and institute an investigation to ascertain whether foreign funding came as part of influence operations. Those who have done nothing wrong, do not have anything to worry about. But, those associated with the Trojan Horse, must be busted.