The 100-Year Journey - II Unparalleled participation in public discourse Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Unparalleled participation in public discourse
By VIJAY PHANSHIKAR :
Since its founding a hundred years ago by Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the RSS continued to expand its operational footprint and social influence -- for first two-plus decades during the British occupation of India, and later in Independent India for the past 78 years. Its swayamsevaks are invariably present where there is a natural calamity, and are also there to promote the society’s cultural integration in every possible manner. Suffice it to say that the nature and extent of the RSS participation in national discourse is simply unparalleled.
“So, you finally saw to it that the
Bharatiya Janata Party rose to power,”
said a very senior leader of the Congress
party in a private conversation with a
senior functionary of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh, some time in the
winter of 2014 as Mr Narendra Modi
launched his prime ministership with a
vigour the like of which the nation had
not seen before.
The RSS senior functionary responded
in a calm but firm tone,“Look, that was
never our aim, and it will never be
our aim”.
“But yours is certainly
politically-driven organisation,” the
Congress leader insisted -- as anybody
does in a conversation in good faith.
Without losing his calm, the RSS senior
said,“How I wish you understood the RSS
fully! The RSS certainly keeps a watch on
the national development, all right, and
may express opinion even on political
developments. But politics is not
its sworn activity”.
THE conversation -- to which this
scribe was privy -- may confuse
most. Yet, every word the RSS
senior uttered was true. Though
the nation -- and even the world
-- knows that the RSS and the BJP are
described to be on the same side of the
ideological divide that is now dominating
India’s public discourse, the truth of the
matter is that the RSS is not a political
organisation. True, from time to time, it has
expressed its opinion on political issues of
the moment. Despite that, it has
maintained its original stance that it has
little to do with actual political activity.
Those who have studied the RSS as a
national movement know the truth in this
traditional assertion that the RSS has little
to do with actual political activity of any
type. They know that the core activity of
the RSS is Rashtra-Nirman through
Manushya-Nirman.
Over time, though, as the RSS grew in
size, the spread of its activity, too, expanded. In order to serve different purposes of
larger interests, the RSS then created a
web of organisations. That process led to
formation of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad,
the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, the Akhil
Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad ... to name a
few. These frontal organisations are run by
the RSS swayamsevaks, but do not necessarily run the RSS agenda. Close RSS
watchers know that on many occasions,
these frontal organisations have taken
stands that seem to run counter to
stated interests of another outfit in the
larger portfolio.
Despite this, the complex organisational
matrix of the RSS and its frontal
organisations runs smoothly -- much to the
surprise of those who do not belong to the
fold, or are even opposed to the RSS. They
just fail to understand what force actually
keeps such a diverse range or
organisations together. And that is natural
-- particularly when the society is overly
dominated by political thought and activity.
In such an atmosphere, countless people
just feel eternally intrigued about the
organisational process of the RSS.
Meanwhile, since its founding a hundred
years ago by Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar,
the RSS continued to expand its
operational footprint and social influence -
- for first two-plus decades during the
British occupation of India, and later in
Independent India for the past 78 years. Its
swayamsevaks are invariably present
where there is a natural calamity and
common people are suffering. They are
also there to promote the society’s cultural
integration in every possible manner.
The
swayamsevaks are also there to run
innumerable schools and colleges. They
also run their business activities and take
part in political activities as well.
But in most of these activities, the
swayamsevaks appear in their personal
capacities and not as RSS. But wherever
they are, the swayamsevaks leave their
imprint on the activity, thanks to their
sense of dedication and discipline. These
two attributes often separate the RSS
activists from the rest of the society.
The story is fondly told about Prime
Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi during the
terrible floods in Gujarat around 1980s.
She saw some volunteers extending every
possible help to the victims of the floods,
and felt that those people were Congress
volunteers. However, the Government
officials present at the spot promptly correct the Prime Minister stating that those
were RSS swayamsevaks.
Mrs. Gandhi felt
both at once, surprised and dismayed.
But then, supporters of the RSS also tell
with an understandable sense of pride that
Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
had invited RSS participation in the
Republic Day Parade post-1962 warT B
ETWEEN these two metaphors
expands the story of what the RSS
actually is. In fact, it is so many
things at the same time -- a voluntary
organisation, a promoter of the concept of cultural
nationalism, a nationalistic think-tank (of sorts), an
eco-system to shape lives of countless lakhs of
young men and women to add to the nation’s population people with certain virtues that are so distinct from others in the larger society...!
The nation will not forget the spectacle of RSS
chief Dr. Mohan Bhagwat sitting next to Prime
Minister Mr. Narendra Modi at the historic Ram
Mandir consecration ceremony at Ayodhya -- in his
own right as a leader of Shri Ramjanmabhoomi
Movement. The nation also knows that the
Ramjanmabhoomi Nyas, too, was formed through a
joint initiative of so many entities including the
RSS, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and the BJP.
But even as a clamour is rising for other temple
sites in the country, the nation heard Dr. Bhagwat
say in no uncertain terms that it would be improper
to start looking for Shivling under every mosque.
The nation also saw him visit a mosque in Delhi as
part of the RSS’ Muslim outreach. And the nation
also knows that the RSS and its leaders and
thinkers are on the forefront of what has come to
be known as Indic thought -- promoting more
intensive and extensive study of India’s ancient history and bringing it to the public domain -- as an
attempt to re-establish India’s position of traditional
eminence globally -- Vishwaguru.
In the 78 years since Independence, the RSS has
never shied from playing its part in shaping a comprehensive national discourse encompassing every
possible sphere of public life in the country. When
Mrs. Indira Gandhi slapped the Emergency on the
nation in June 1975, the RSS was banned for whatever reason. The leadership then, headed by
Sarsanghchalak Mr. Balasaheb Deoras directed the
swayamsevaks to take part in pro-democracy
demonstrations all over the country. Lakhs of RSS
swayamsevaks and their family-members were
arrested during the Emergency. A shockingly high
number among those people could never get back
their jobs that they lost when they were jailed. Yet,
researchers of that period give an unabashed credit
to the RSS for being the most potent force in the
fight against the atrocity called “Emergency” -- during which most members of the RSS top leadership
band were behind the bars for complete 19 months
of the dark period.
That participation did give the Jan Sangh (the
former self of the BJP) an edge in national politics
and it became part of the Janata Party Government
in the summer of 1977. Subsequently, the Jan
Sangh dissolved itself and gave birth to the BJP in
1980 -- eventually becoming possibly the world’s
largest political organisation (winning three consecutive parliamentary elections). In this process,
the RSS never concealed its symbiotic relationship
with the BJP, but also did not engage itself in any
political activity.
Of course, the people and the parties on the other
side of the ideological divide keep braiding the RSS
for its political machinations etc etc. No matter that,
the RSS remains unaffected and continues to conduct itself as a completely apolitical organisation
that would never stray from its core purpose of
nation-building through man-moulding.
Five years ago, the RSS organised a three-day
event at New Delhi Vigyan Bhavan where it invited
innumerable social and political leaders and
thinkers for a marathon think-session. In those
three days, Dr. Mohan Bhagwat made a profound
statement about what the RSS stood for and how it
functioned. He also answered every possible question from the elite audience about the RSS and its
role and method and manner. Some questions were
truly barbed, but Dr. Bhagwat remained unfazed
and satisfied every query in the most efficient
manner.
However, during that event, Dr. Bhagwat made
one assertion loud and clear -- that each word he
was saying there had been vetted by the RSS
think-tank and authorised (in a way). Thus, he
communicated to the nation how the RSS functioned and thought.
There, of course, persists in public domain many
a stories and anecdotes -- and even fabrications --
about the RSS and its ways. Most of those stories
are loose talk, so to say. But some that has the
weight of the truth, however, does not disturb the
RSS as such. For, when “you have a clear head and
heart, you do not have to be bothered about what
others have to say about you”, Mr. K. Sudarshan,
then the Sarsanghchalak, had advised his men.
This philosophy and policy continues even today
-- with the larger goal of man-moulding --
Manushya-Nirman. The ideal of the RSS is welldefined in its Sanskrit prayer -- Namaste Sadaa
Vatsaley Matrubhoomey ...! (Salutes to you always
my loving Motherland ...). Each of the words in that
prayer encapsulates nationalistic emotion with a
sense of pride that is totally shorn of egotism From that standpoint, the RSS has always lent
itself to national need from time to time -- may it be
then in the time of natural calamity or a social or
seemingly political emergency.
The participation of
the RSS rank and file in pro-democracy movement
of the mid-1970s has to be viewed in this light. For,
the Emergency slapped on the nation may have
had to purpose of saving Mrs. Indira Gandhi from a
political elimination. But more than that was the
need for the Indian society to fight for the restoration of democracy. The RSS took that plunge from
that standpoint -- and earned plaudits from the
nation beyond politics.
Much space would be needed to give details of
the participation of the RSS in different spheres of
national life of India. But suffice it is to say at this
point that the nature and extent of the RSS participation in national discourse is simply unparalleled.