Earlier this year, when MahaYuti suffered a setback in Lok Sabha polls, nobody had thought it would register a spectacular victory in Assembly polls, results of which were declared on Saturday. MahaYuti leaders proved everyone wrong. The alliance passed with flying colours, undeterred by the loss in Lok Sabha polls. MahaYuti, comprising Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, and Ajit Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), remained victorious on 234 of the total 288 seats in the State. As expected, BJP emerged as single largest party, pocketing a whopping 132 seats. In fact, all the main constituents of MahaYuti topped the table, with NCP (AP) scoring 41 seats and Shiv Sena (Shinde) 57. Contrary to it, Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) together could garner 46 seats from 153. None of the constituents of MVA can stake claim for the post of Leader of Opposition in the State Legislative Assembly.

 

This success was not imagined even by MahaYuti though it had expected the tally to cross 160-170. After the loss in Lok Sabha polls, MahaYuti constituents avoided to brood over it. It did a micro-planning that included the feedback from various components of the society. It studied whether people were unhappy with the sitting MLAs, whether they are still under impression that BJP would introduce some changes in the Constitution, whether they were happy with ‘Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojna’ etc. There were several other issues related to caste equation, religious matters, civic issues, the promises made by Congress like ‘Panchsutri’. Unlike MVA, MahaYuti avoided entangling in criticism or narratives set by Congress. MahaYuti worked on various issues in its own way. It had roped in 30,000 office-bearers of BJP working in other States. These leaders tried to make people aware of how Congress failed to fulfill its poll promises in other States.

 

The failure of Congress in fulfilling promises would reflect in Maharashtra also as it won’t be able to implement ‘Panchsutri’ if it comes to power. MahaYuti told people that BJP would not change the Constitution. Much before Assembly polls, it was being said that drawing a lesson from the debacle in Lok Sabha polls, BJP would change its candidates. But its pre-poll feedback said that the party would face rebellion if they change existing MLAs on a large scale. Believing in the feedback, BJP did not change its candidates barring a few. As far as caste equation was concerned, BJP projected itself as a party that embraces people of all castes. It tried to convince people not to get divided in castes and sub-castes. It also tried to tell people that Congress and MVA only do the appeasement, the welfare schemes are being brought by BJP and MahaYuti only. There are a large number of families which have a monthly budget of Rs 5,000, Rs 7,000 whom Ladki Bahin Yojana provided a lot of support. Its impact became visible when the women voting increased by 7-8 per cent. In every election, women come out and get registered themselves as voters but the women turnout always remained below the voting number of men. The active participation of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) was one very important factor. RSS and 35 organisations of the same ideology remained proactive which played a major role. RSS’s participation not only helped BJP in number but also its discipline.

 

For example, the work of Panna Pramukh was given to RSS swayamsevaks, who did it scrupulously due to which the voting percentage increased. Amit Shah had given a formula that included categorisation of booths. BJP categorised booths into A, B, C. The classification of the booths was done on the basis of BJP supporting booths and those where the party did not expect much support. The party workers were asked to try to increase 10% voting at category A booths and 10% voting for BJP at B and C level booths. This strategy worked and that rise in voting percentage helped BJP and Mahayuti a lot. Amit Shah had given responsibility of State to Ashwini Vaishnav and Bhupendra Yadav. The leaders like Kailash Vijayvargiya stayed in Maharashtra for four months before the elections process started, working on various aspects. The aspect of seat sharing, election of candidates can’t be forgotten. The strategic planning of selection of candidates by Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis worked due to which there was no misunderstanding among the constituents.

 

Unlike MVA, the MahaYuti made a lot of adjustments. While allotting seats, the Mahayuti studied winning aspects of the candidates and accordingly fielded it. For example, the Arjuni Morgaon seat was demanded by Ajit Pawar faction, but it did not have winning candidate with it. BJP made its candidate Rajkumar Badole join NCP and file nomination. Ajit Pawar got the seat and good candidate too. Badole won the poll. The road to power in Maharashtra goes through Vidarbha. In 2014, BJP had fielded 288 candidates in Maharashtra and it registered victory at 122 seats. Vidarbha’s share was 44 out of 62 resulting in Devendra Fadnavis becoming Chief Minister for the first time. This time its score remained 132 out of 147 with Vidarbha’s share remained at 38 out of 62.

 

The percentage comes to 89.88 as compared to 2014’s 42.36%. In 2019, BJP went further down and won 105 seats. In 2019, it won 29 seats in Vidarbha. MahaYuti’s comeback is attributed to strategic responses to issues that impacted its performance in the Lok Sabha polls. Eknath Shinde’s faction and Ajit Pawar’s NCP emerged as heirs to their respective parties. Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar seemd to be on backfoot. Meanwhile, Devendra Fadnavis has emerged as a leader who steered his alliance to a stupendous victory against all odds.