REGRESSIVE REFORMS

 

 

 

BANGLADESH, no doubt, has had a disturbed history. The erstwhile East Pakistan, however, now appears to have entered a phase that threatens to shake its very foundations of existence. In the name of reforms, the unelected interim government under Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus is ushering in an era of whitewashing the history and legacy, and also leading the country towards the era of radicalism and regression. This will indeed have global repercussions, and the nearest and the deepest neighbour India is already facing a tricky situation. Ever since the elected government under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was overthrown by the protesters who initially rallied as students but later turned into rioters targeting the minorities, the riparian country has landed into trouble on multiple fronts.

 

The erstwhile opposition -- mainly comprising Bangladesh National Party (BNP) led by Khaleda Zia and Jamaate-Islami -- had been accusing the erstwhile government of Sheikh Hasina of Awami League of excesses. No one can deny that the ‘battle of begums’ -- Sheikh Hasina, daughter of ‘Bangabandhu’ Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and Khaleda Zia, widow of former President General Zia-urRahman -- inflicted much damage on the socio-political scene of the country. Both, whenever in power, got busy with maintaining a strong grip over the government and curtailing freedoms of the opposition, and also stressing who was the real founder of Bangladesh -- Sheikh Mujibur Rahman or Zia-ur-Rahman. Despite this, the country came out of the crisis and maintained economic growth on previous occasions. But, the situation changed last year.

 

Of course, the chequered history of Bangladesh left much to be desired. It will not be an exaggeration to say that the presentday turmoil’s early signs were visible in assassination of Bangladesh founder Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Failure to trace the prime conspirators in the case in all these years reflects the existence of remnants of the old fundamentalist Pakistani establishment working in present-day Bangladeshi structure. Some day, those working to retrieve the Pakistani ethos of radicalism and instability were to come out in the open. It seems that 2024 was that year of revival of Pakistani sentiments in Bangladesh. The steps like changes in textbooks to replace Sheikh Mujibur Rahman with Zia-ur-Rahman as founder of Bangladesh, decision to start the process of removing the image of ‘Bangabandhu’ from currency notes and to phase out the old notes in circulation, defacing murals and statues of Mujibur Rahman etc reflect the upper hand of Khaleda Zia. For, she and her party had been dreaming of this day. Even if her charge of Sheikh Hasina ‘imposing’ historical importance accorded to Mujibur Rahman is assumed to be true, things happening in Bangladesh are at best political.

 

These developments do not do any good to the country, where employment and natural disasters are still the problems bigger than politics and religion. Unfortunately, Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus also comes across as a puppet of radical forces, with backing from Western powers interested in creating political instability in the Indian sub-continent. The latest example highlighting Muhammad Yunus’ failure is a reforms commission recommending changes to drop the words ‘secularism’, ‘nationalism’, and ‘socialism’ from the Constitution of Bangladesh. In fact, these words were treated as the ‘ideological pillars’ of the nation. Showing all signs of religious radicalism and removing the word ‘secularism’ definitely indicate some design. Dropping the word ‘nationalism’ would mean moving far away from the sentiments of the people. For, it was the popular sentiment of ‘nationalism’ that motivated ‘Mukti Joddhas’ of the Liberation War to face all atrocities of the Pakistani military and still keep fighting that ultimately led to the rise of Bangladesh as a nation. But, this is not all.

 

Apart from some other steps, a commission on electoral reforms is likely to suggest a proportional representation system instead of first-past-the-post practice of election. Whether that proportional representation system has a mechanism for participation of the now ousted Awami League, is a big question to which the answer is not very promising. But, all these reforms are being recommended by the commissions constituted by a government that has not secured a democratic mandate. In a way, the government has come to power through extra-constitutional means. This is laying the foundation for a shaky moral base and weak endurance of reforms. It is still not clear if the reforms will be implemented by the present-day unelected government or by some coalition that may come to power after elections (if held) with another round of opposition exclusion.

 

One fails to understand why should the unelected interim government in Bangladesh resort to taking steps that arouse suspicion of an agenda of taking the country back to the era of exploitation by erstwhile West Pakistan. The decisions and recommendations coming out in the name of reforms are surely eroding the democratic, social, cultural, and secular legacy of Bangladesh. One is surprised at the unanimity in silence of the Western world and the Communist China on overall backsliding in the riparian country. Given the history of Bangladesh, the riparian nation has seen political instability. It has seen one-party rule, Presidential system, military rule, military-backed government, caretaker government. Now, Bangladesh’s affairs are being managed by an unelected government. The Constitution, the institutions, the political mind, education system, economy, and foreign relations have all evolved through all these changes. However, with the current round of reforms, it seems that all this cumulative experience is going to be challenged. Will the people of Bangladesh like this? Well, the answer lies in how (and how much) of the past is demolished and how regressive or progressive is the manner of chiseling the future of the country